Gabriela Arguello, Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar, Quito

gabyarguello@hotmail.es

Data access on Nakala*: https://doi.org/10.34847/nkl.ee51wck5

*This data set contains personal data. Users wishing to view the images must make a formal request to the author.

Abstract

The indigenous communities that remained settled within the perimeter of the city of Quito, or in its hinterland, have played a crucial role in the construction and maintenance of the city in the first half of twentieth century. During the process of urban development, these organizations were absorbed and overlooked in the public sphere. They represent a significant contingent of indigenous labor that built public works and provided the conditions necessary for the urban space to exist. In the case of Llano Grande, a community located in the northeastern part of Quito, a substantial portion of its population specialized in the city’s sanitation service. Using the case study of this community in the first half of the 20th century, this article provides an insight into the primary source research on municipal sanitation workers in Quito and how the labor force was provided to the city.

Keywords: Quito, Llano Grande, indigenous communities, public works, sanitation service.

Introduction

The indigenous communities that remained settled within the perimeter of the city of Quito, or in its hinterland, have played a crucial role in the construction and maintenance of the city in the first half of the twentieth century. During the process of urban development, these organizations were absorbed and overlooked in the public sphere. They represent a significant contingent of indigenous labor that built public works and provided the conditions necessary for the urban space to exist. In the case of Llano Grande, a community located in the northeastern part of Quito, a substantial portion of its population specialized in the city’s sanitation service. Using the case study of this community in the first half of the 20th century, this article provides an insight into the primary source research on municipal sanitation workers in Quito and how the labor force was provided to the city.^[1]

Regarding this activity, fundamental to the city, there are some general historical data provided by other research studies (Goetschel & Kingman, 1989; Rebolledo, 1992; Espinoza, 2015). The focus of these studies is centered on the city of Quito, either in its issues and development or from the perspective of its institutions and authorities. Indeed, the archives provide several references in this regard. However, the traces that the archival collections hold about the individuals who have performed this activity, their historical trajectory in this work, or the way in which the sanitation profession developed, appear to be isolated.

Since colonial times and up to the present day, populations like that of Llano Grande have continuously migrated to the center of Quito to provide their labor force. Despite their significant contribution to the city, they are individuals devoid of value and a voice in the city’s records and history. This reflects their subordinate position, not only in the structure of the Municipal Council (Cabildo), but also with respect to their ethnic condition. It should be noted that the republic assimilated different forms of colonial domination. For example, in the treatment of the indigenous population as a labor force (Moreno 1981, 281); or, as Víctor Jácome points out, in the disdain of the indigenous populations by the white-mestizo population (mistreatment, exclusion, social invisibility) (Jácome 2023, 43). In this regard, when they do appear in the documentation of the Municipal Council (Cabildo), almost exclusively, it is clear that they appear as numbers reflecting the amount of labor force available to the city.

Now, from this situation arises the need to resort to sources that offer a different perspective. For this study, hence, we propose a link between the documentation generated in the heart of the city (Metropolitan History Archive of Quito),[2] and other documentation developed in the context of the rural periphery (Civil Parochial Holdings Fund, National Historical Archive).[3] Additionally, oral testimonies from some residents of Llano Grande are also employed. The convergence of all these sources in the same archive grants the documents a complementary character. This, in turn, enhances their content.

This research paper is divided into two parts. The first part provides a brief overview of the process of searching for sources regarding the municipal sanitation workers of Quito. In the second part, I address the issue of the provision of indigenous labor for the city’s sanitation.

The dataset referred to in this research paper was stored on Nakala (Archival City and Archival City Quito Collections) and is called ACQ05_GA, where AC stands for Archival City Quito, 05 refers to the fifth dataset stored on Nakala as part of the Archival City Quito sub-project, and GA refers to the initials of the dataset author’s name. The full list of images included in the dataset is available in the research aid ACQ05_FA_GA, available in Excel and CSV formats.

The sanitation of the city and the archives: absences, silences, and alternatives

The concept of a modern city was shaped not only by technological innovations and infrastructures development but also by the implementation of services aimed at maintaining the aesthetics and hygiene of urban spaces. Over the past centuries, cleanliness became a symbol of progress and modernity (Fernández de Rota 1993, 80-81), contrasting with what was considered “uncivilized, unhealthy, or animalistic” (Dávalos 1997, 147-148). Hence, the services of sanitation have gained significant importance for cities. However, little is known about the development of this activity or about the individuals who have carried it out.

In the first half of the 20th century, in cities like Bogotá, and probably in Quito and other cities in Latin America, the street “ceased to be the space for recreational transit and moral order assigned since colonial times and began to become the ‘artery of progress” (Molano 2020, 203).^. In this context, in the city of Quito, hygienism[4]  fostered a series of practices and policies focused on ornamentation, sanitation, and urban planning (Kingman 2006, 42, 273). These measures, including street cleaning, were under the Municipality’s responsibility.

In this regard, we could assume that this institution produced a series of documentation related to street cleaning. It’s also possible that potential sources for researching the topic are stored in the AMHQ (Quito Metropolitan Archive of History). This is one of the most important documentary collections in the city of Quito, safeguarding historical records of the Municipal Council from 1534 (the Spanish founding of Quito) until the late 20th century.[5]

Fig 1: Archivo Metropolitano de Historia de Quito

Author: Gabriela Arguello

Certainly, this repository allows us to trace some aspects related to the city’s sanitation. For example, in the Gaceta Municipal[6] collection, there are ordinances that regulated the collection of taxes for street sweeping services, the number of laborers for sanitation, and the stipulated wages.^[7] However, attempting a deeper search for those individuals who sweep the streets and collect garbage leads us into an extensive and silent research scenario.

The first limitation relates to the extensive number of council books and the organizational logic of the institution for the study period. On the one hand, it was only in 1930 that the Municipality created the Directorate of Hygiene (Carrión, Goetschel, Sánchez 1997). On the other hand, the repository unfortunately does not have documentation from this municipal authority, but only from 1943 onwards. Therefore, tracing references to city sanitation in almost the entire first half of the 20th century involves reviewing approximately 500 books. These books belong to the groups of Council Meeting Minutes, Communications addressed to the Council President, Correspondence to individuals, and Letters and requests addressed to the Council President.^[8] After reviewing several of these copies without significant results, it can be said that references to street cleaning are sparse, and the time-findings relationship is unproductive.

Hence, the alternative and major expectation was seen in the books of the Directorate of Hygiene. They are catalogued under different names: Directorate of Hygiene, Hygiene and Police Commission, Hygiene and Police – Municipal Laboratory, Hygiene and Markets. There is a total of 19 books between 1943 and 1950,[9] containing documentation that informs about the activities undertaken by this municipal body in the city: supervision and permits for the sale of products, the provision of water and sanitary services, the construction of markets, sanitation measures in markets and streets, disease prevention campaigns, among others. The documentation also provides insight into the internal functioning of this Directorate, including processes for acquiring supplies and equipment, funding for projects, personnel hirings, resignations, vacation requests, medical leaves, and more. Concerning street cleaning and municipal laborers, four main types of documentation predominate: reports related to requests from Quito residents for access to sanitation services, labor reports that include information such as the number of public sanitation workers who have missed work, reports on unpaid workdays, and fines. Occasionally, there is a report that justifies the lack of city sanitation due to the absence of sanitation employees from work.^[10]

Fig 2: Gaceta Municipal

Author: Gabriela Arguello

These documents highlight the essential nature of the sanitation profession for the city. However, it is striking that there is a limited number of references to sanitation workers in the documents, and especially the nature of the content in these sources. As Michel-Rolph Trouillot explains, “the production of traces is also always the creation of silences” (Trouillot, 2017: 24). In this sense, and in broad terms, what is observed is the absence^[11] of these individuals and their voices in the archive. In these documents, public sanitation workers are portrayed as numbers quantifying the labor force for the sanitation of Quito. Their names appear almost exclusively when deducting days from their wages for absenteeism or when imposing fines as sanction.

Following some ideas of French historian Arlette Farge, it could be said that the faint appearance of these individuals in the archive occurs as a result of a “disruptive social event” (Farge 1991, 10-11). That is, an incident that provokes disorder or chaos, in this case for the city, is the determining factor for the appearance of these ordinary individuals in the archive. In 1943, for example, the Director of Municipal Hygiene reports that “the cleanliness of the city has left much to be desired” because “a significant number of sanitation workers responsible for sweeping and cleaning the city have abandoned their tasks.”^[12] Similarly, in 1946, another report states that “the City is in a state of complete disarray” because “one hundred and forty-eight street sweepers have been absent”[13] from their duties.

These are the circumstances in which references to sanitation workers and their profession are found. It could be said that they appear in the document only in the context of their absence from work. It is not their voices that inform these documents, not even their voices mediated by others. Indeed, these are a few references about them, formulated by municipal authorities, quantifying their workforce and expressing the problems that arise from their absence from work. These documents record the absence of the laborer, the consequences for the city, and the fines imposed. In this documentation, the laborer only exists in relation to their own absence.

So, how can we trace these individuals who are absent from the archive? How can we understand who they are, where they come from, how they have been connected to the city, how they practiced their profession, or their significance for the urban area?

A first clue is provided by some accounts from the social memory of the Llano Grande Community.^[14] They acknowledge the sanitation work in Quito as a traditional profession of their residents, to which they have been connected up to the present day through the Public Sanitation Company, Empresa Pública Metropolitana de Aseo de Quito (EMASEO). As stated by the leaders^[15] of EMASEO’s Works Council,^[16] indeed, a large portion of the workers come from the communities located in the rural parish of Calderón. This is a job that they have been doing for several generations, involving grandparents, parents, and children. Hence, there is an opportunity to approach those from the older generation, and the oral testimony of the community members becomes a viable tool for this study. After several mediation efforts in the Llano Grande community, Pascual Muzo and Francisco Suquillo, retirees from EMASEO, Fausto Gavidia, EMASEO Workers’ General Secretary, and Enrique Tasiguano, a member of Llano Grande, provide their accounts for this research.

Returning to the written sources, there are also other paths to trace the municipal sanitation workers of the Llano Grande community. As mentioned, it is known that indigenous populations from the peripheral parishes of Quito have provided the labor force for the city’s service for centuries (Kingman 1992; Terán 1992). It is also known that in these parishes, the local authorities were the political tenure offices (tenencias políticas)^[17] Among other things, “the political lieutenants were responsible for finding labor for the cleaning and maintenance of the city […]” (Kingman 2006, 279). In this regard, the documentary collection of Tenencias Políticas del Cantón Quito, that rests in the AHN, emerges as the possibility to access sources related to the sanitation worker.

Fig 3: Archivo Histórico Nacional

Author: Gabriela Arguello

Since the late 19th century, Llano Grande has been affiliated with the Calderón parish. The section pertaining to this parish in that collection comprises 20 boxes containing approximately 90 files spanning from 1845 to 1999.[18] It is a documentary corpus produced in the context of the city’s rural periphery, including records, population censuses, certificates, summons, legal cases, marriages, baptisms, death records, judgments, among others. For the purposes of this research, the search for sources focused on the box labeled Oficios (1900-1954). This documentation consists of communications sent and received between the Political Tenure Office of Calderón and other state entities, such as the Municipality. These files also contain information related to the sanitation of the city – a total of 17 documents that provide further references on the topic. In addition to this, there are some documents that come from the National Archive of Communes (ANC), which do not pertain to the issue of city sanitation but allow for tracking the municipal employees of this commune and comparing information.

The historiographical approach to subordinate groups often involves a struggle with absences and silences. In view of this, as Ivanna Margarucci suggests, the quest “begins with the very construction of a corpus that we manage to reassemble, from fragments to pieces […]” (Margarucci 2022, 100). In our case, the challenge consisted of compiling an archive body that draws from a handful of documents from three repositories in the city, as well as the memory of those who provided their oral testimonies.[19] Through the connection of these documents and narratives, it is possible to position them spatially and socially and understand their role in the city’s context. This also allows for an approach to the development of an essential profession for the urban area, such as street cleaning.

The municipal sanitation service of Quito and the laborers of Llano Grande

In the mid-20th century, Llano Grande was legally established as a commune with 2,500 inhabitants (Wray 1987, 113-116). At that time, the majority of the indigenous communes in Quito had no more than 600 inhabitants (Wray 1987). It can be said that Llano Grande was one of the most densely populated indigenous villages and was located close to the center of the capital.

In several historical documents that predate its establishment as a commune, Llano Grande is referred to as an anejo of free indigenous people. The term anejo is repeated throughout the collected corpus of documents. It referred to indigenous populations that were dependent on parishes (Tuaza 2018, 22). The free anejos had small plots of land that they owned, located outside of the haciendas (Tuaza 2018, 22). Free or stray indigenous individuals of these anejos, were not directly dependent on the landowners (Tuaza 2018, 23) and they have been known for being important suppliers of raw materials and labor for the city (Kingman 1992; Terán 1992). The free indigenous people of Llano Grande were primarily involved in the cleaning of the city.

In order to perform a critical reading of the collected sources, it is essential to localize the space of study. This implies understanding the historical context that made the conditions possible for the population of Llano Grande to become involved in the city’s cleaning profession. In principle, this takes us centuries back in time to an important institution for the use of indigenous labor, such as the mita.^[20] In Quito, by the 17th century, there were mitas recorded for textile work, water-related tasks, domestic services, public works, street cleaning, among others. Engaging in these activities allowed indigenous populations to acquire certain labor specialization (Ciriza-Mendívil 2019, 453-455; Kingman 1992, 21). On the other hand, it must be stated that, becoming part of the Calderón Parish, the Llano Grande anejo was assigned to the parish of Zámbiza. It was a settlement of indigenous people before the Inca conquest that entered into an alliance with the Spanish against the Inca Empire (Carrera y Salomón 1990, 15-16). For this collaboration, the town of Zámbiza was exempted from Indian Taxation.^[21] In exchange, they were explicitly assigned the responsibility of street cleaning and maintaining the city’s irrigation channels (Espinoza 2015; Goetschel y Kingman 1989).

The responsibility for cleaning the city remained with the residents of this area even after the abolition of indigenous taxation (Goetschel y Kingman 1989, 397-398). Today, the majority of municipal sanitation workers come from various communes that were part of Zámbiza, which now belong to Calderón.^[22] This suggests that in the region, for centuries, there has been a significant contingent of indigenous labor force specialized in city cleaning.

This fact helps us understand that the work of cleaning the city is a long-standing occupation carried out by several generations of indigenous people from Zámbiza and Calderón. The bibliography as well as the documents of the political tenure offices of these parishes show a series of indigenous family surnames specific to the area. Suquillo or Muzo, for example, are surnames with a long tradition in Llano Grande. When we look back to Zámbiza, centuries ago, we find matches with the family names of this parish’s caciques (chiefs). The people who gave their testimonies for this study bear these very names.

These same names appear in the documentation of the municipal council, referring to the cleaning workers. These matches made it possible to establish that it is the indigenous population of Llano Grande, and the surrounding areas, who have worked as cleaners.

In order to establish this as a tendency, a meticulous search was carried out on the basis of the surnames of the laborers, linking all the compiled sources.

For instance, an oral account by community member Enrique Tasiguano about the surnames of the old families of Llano Grande, states: “I remember the surnames: Alobuelas, Muzos, Tasiguanos, Loachamín, Guachamín, Ushiña, Pillapaña, Juña.”[23] These same names also appear in the lists of fines for laborers, that also include the following: Suquillo, Mozo, Collaguazo, Guamán, Pulupa, Simbaña, Tasintuña, Juña, among others.[24] By cross-referencing these names with a list of community members from Llano Grande[25] the coincidence in the surnames appears once again. This is repeated throughout the entire file of the ANC’s Llano Grande commune. Likewise, these surnames match those of the former cleaning workers of Llano Grande, who are still alive to tell their stories.

From the understanding that this labor specialization for the indigenous people was configured in the area, and from the recognition of these surnames, it was possible to identify other documents that, at first sight, do not refer either to the cleaning workers or to Llano Grande. However, reading them in the context of the above-mentioned background, it is possible to find the relationship with the subject of interest.

In 1916, for example, in a communiqué from the General Intendancy of Police of the province of Pichincha, a warning was sent to the Political Lieutenant of Calderón, for mistreatment committed against Ambrosio Pulupa and Juan Lincango, “Indians who served in the Municipality”. [26] From the surnames referred to and the reference to work in the Municipality, it is presumed that these were indigenous people from Llano Grande who provided the cleaning service in Quito. In other cases, documents were identified that do not refer specifically to Llano Grande, but show coincidences with the surnames of this locality and speak specifically about the job of cleaning. For example, in 1923, it is indicated that “Miguel Suquillo was absent from his home, working on street sweeping in this city […]”[27] or, in 1931, that Francisco Muzo is “employed as a street sweeper.”[28]

Fig 4: Sample of the archival corpus

Author: Gabriela Arguello

Each of the sources compiled in this corpus offers a different type of information, but, at the same time, is consistent with the others. The written sources, for example, do not give an account of the way in which the cleaning work was carried out. This is something that, on the contrary, the collected testimonies do provide. The municipality council documents provide official data, figures, which are not expressed in the testimonies or in the archives of the Political Tenure Office. The latter, on the other hand, give more specific references about the cleaning workers of Llano Grande, as well as some clues about problems such as the lack of cleanliness in the city, due to the absence of workers.

By complementing what is said in these and other sources, a more comprehensive approach to the way in which the provision of labor force for the cleaning service of the city of Quito occurred became feasible. Cross-referencing archives allows to understand that this labor force has been fundamental for the maintenance of the city. Although this is not presented as something relevant in the public sphere, the sources reveal that the absence of sanitation workers generated chaos in the urban space and triggered a series of tensions between the Political Tenure Office of Calderón and the Municipality. This is especially important since the Municipality imposed a property tax for sanitation services, based on the number of linear meters and the property’s location.^[29] The sources also show that the need for sanitation workers intensified during times of celebrations or festivals in the city. For instance, in 1913, sanitation workers were requested due to “the urgency of having the city very clean during the national holidays.”^[30]

The absence of sanitation workers from their assigned shifts resulted in fines. Although we cannot assert the reasons for these workers’ absence. By cross-referencing communications from the Municipality and the Political Tenure Office indicate that there were periods when the number of absent sanitation workers increased significantly. A 1913 letter from the Political Tenure Office of Calderón explains that, in that parish, “some festivals celebrated by the indigenous people are approaching,”^[31] so it is presumed that they will not attend their assigned work shift. The cross-referencing of these documents, thus, allows us to understand that the celebrations of the indigenous population of Calderón were a strong motivation for absenteeism, and this posed a significant inconvenience for the city of Quito in maintaining sanitation services. This situation persisted over time, causing similar issues for several decades.

Similarly, by contrasting the documentation of both repositories, an idea of the number of laborers who performed the cleaning of Quito in this period can be gathered. In 1943, a letter from the Municipal Hygiene Directorate states as follows: “We have lost a daily average of 110 workers, which is why the cleanliness of the city has been very poor […]”[32] If, as stated in this notice, the average daily number of laborers absent from work was 110, it can be assumed that, at that time, at least 100 laborers covered the streets of the city of Quito every day performing cleaning tasks.

The documentation of the Political Tenure Office shows that, as with other municipal employees, sanitation workers were assigned an identification number. Thus, for example, in 1928, “Nicolás Andrango, an employee in street cleaning in that city under N146, is summoned”[33], which suggests that, in the first decades of the twentieth century, the number of sanitation workers was close to this number. In fact, in 1926, a report from the street commissioner, published in the Gaceta Municipal, indicates that they had 120 sanitation workers, but that they needed to reach the number of 140.[34] For the 1940s, the lists of fines for laborers show number 200, corresponding to cleaning laborer Nicolás Simbaña Guachamín.[35]

Fig 5: Sample of the archival corpus

Author: Gabriela Arguello

The testimonies, on the other hand, offer another type of information. They focus on the day-to-day operations of the cleaning job. For example, according to the accounts of former municipal workers, street cleaning has two fundamental activities: street sweeping and garbage collection.[36] The laborers left Llano Grande between 3 and 4 o’clock in the morning in a local transport. Later, the municipality provided exclusive transportation for municipal workers.[37] The bus ride to Quito took about one hour. The local people remember that when there were no buses, their grandparents used to walk to Quito.[38] Once in the city center, at approximately 5:00 a.m., the sanitation workers were gathered at various points: El Ejido, Plaza Grande, among others. There, a roll call was taken, they were assigned to a sector of the city and given the tools they needed.[39] The municipal police were in charge of attendance and performance control.[40]

On the other hand, by cross-referencing testimonies and written sources, it is possible, for example, to get an idea of the evolution of the salaries of cleaners over time. According to a municipal ordinance, in 1923, laborers were paid 0.70 cents a day each, and 0.50 cents a day for those under 18 years of age.[41] By the 1960s, testimonies indicate that laborers received 20 sucres a day for this work.[42]

Conclusions

The contribution of the Llano Grande community to the urbanization processes of the city of Quito goes back centuries. Through the provision of sanitation services, this population has allowed the city to channel its needs and aspirations for hygiene and urbanity to some extent. Yet, for the city, the sanitation workers seem to matter only in their absence – when the city order is disturbed due to their absence from the workday. The Cabildo’s archives show that, when there are references to the cleaning laborers, they are almost exclusively seen as numbers, as arms for work, as strong Indians, or as old and useless Indians.[43] In contrast to this, the social memory of the Llano Grande community has articulated the recognition of the work of cleaning Quito as a traditional occupation of its inhabitants. In fact, the figure of the Capariche, a festive character that represents the street sweeper, has been accepted as a local feature. In this way, the street sweeper has been given a place in the public sphere and a value for the commune’s history in its link with the city.

This exercise of tracing sources reveals the potential and limits of both the archives produced in the central space of the city and those generated in the rural periphery. The absences or documentary gaps that exist in the city archives in relation to the subordinate subjects pose the challenge of finding alternatives in the search for sources. Thus, the aim is to “make the silences speak for themselves in order to confront the injustices of power in the production of sources, archives, and narratives.” (Carby 2017, XXI). In our case, this was based on the construction of a particular collection, starting with a handful of documents produced in the center of the city, and then turning to the periphery as a space for the production of memories and archives. In reality, it is a dialogue between the sources of both spaces, with which the cleaners have maintained a close relationship – with Quito as a workspace and the periphery as a space for the production of memories and archives.

From what has been briefly presented in these pages concerning the case study, a series of situations deserve to be analyzed and understood in greater depth. For reasons of space, this is not developed here, but I state them here in a general way.

It should be noted that, by the mid-twentieth century, Llano Grande was an important indigenous settlement in the outskirts of Quito. Also, in 1956, it was legally established as a commune, with the peculiarity that its territory was settled on the basis of individualized and not communal land ownership. The compulsory and forced nature of the cleaning service (and other activities in which the indigenous labor force has been historically extracted) must be taken into account. However, it is also true that the condition of free Indians and municipal laborers, with access to a salary, allowed this population to have a certain degree of independence from the haciendas, and to consolidate a large and important territory in the rural periphery of the city.

Consulted repositories

Archivo Metropolitano de Hitoria de Quito

Archivo Histórico Nacional (Ecuador)

Archivo Nacional de Comunas

Testimonials

Tasiguano, Enrique, 2016 / 2022

Muzo, Pascual, 2022.

Suquillo, Francisco, 2022.

Gavidia, Fausto, 2022.

Cruz, Víctor, 2022.

 

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[1] This article stems from one of the chapters of my doctoral thesis entitled: El efecto urbano en la transformación de la periferia de la ciudad de Quito, entre 1920 y 1980: el caso de la parroquia rural de Calderón.

[2] Hereafter AMHQ.

[3] Hereafter AHN.

[4] As Kingman explains, it was a school of medical and social thought aimed at improving the living conditions and health of the population. (2006: 301-302).

[5] AMHQ.

[6] Periodical publication of the Municipality of Quito. It records ordinances, news, life of the Cabildo, among others. It began in 1885 but was suspended between the 1950s and 1970s. AMHQ.

[7] See ACQ05_AMHQ_058_GA to ACQ05_AMHQ_059_GA; ACQ05_AMHQ_078_GA to ACQ05_AMHQ_079_GA on Nakala.

[8] AMHQ_Inventario – 2023.

[9] AMHQ_Inventario – 2023.

[10] AMHQ_books of the Directorate of Hygiene (1943-1950). See image ACQ05_AMHQ_115_GA to ACQ05_AMHQ_206_GA on Nakala.

[11] I take from the reflections of Margarucci, 2022.

[12] AMHQ_HyP_LabMun953_04May1943, image IMG_6509.

[13] See ACQ05_AMHQ_190_GA on Nakala.

[14] Field research in Llano Grande. “Calderón Memoria” Project. GAD Calderón, 2016.

[15] Víctor Cruz (Secretary of EMASEO Works Council), conversation held with the author, March 2021; Fausto Gavidia (Professional driver- EMASEO Workers’ General Secretary), conversation held with the author, March 2021.

[16] A workers’ representative body within the company.

[17] Parish authority instances within the state judicial system

[18] AHN – Catalog – Political Tenure Offices Collection

[19] The collected testimonies correspond to cleaning workers from the 1960s and 1970s. On the other hand, the reviewed documents were produced by authorities of the municipal council and the Political Tenure Office of Calderón. It should be noted that, until 1950, illiteracy in Ecuador reached 44%. This mainly affected the indigenous population.

[20] This was a fiscal imposition by the Spanish Crown, which involved the allocation of free indigenous people to the Spanish for salaried work on shifts. (Oberem, 1978: 52)

[21] In the form of personal service, product delivery, or monetary transactions, this was a “mechanism for extracting surplus from the indigenous population, which was transferred into Spanish hand.” (Rebolledo, 1992: 93)

[22] Víctor Cruz (Secretary of EMASEO Works Council), conversation held with the author, March 2022.

[23] Enrique Tasiguano (Llano Grande Community member), conversation held with the author, 2016 (Calderón Memoir Project – GAD Calderón).

[24]See ACQ05_AMHQ_154_GA to image ACQ05_AMHQ_155_GA; ACQ05_AMHQ_159_GA on Nakala.

[25] See dataset Archival City Quito-The National Archive of Communes (1937-1973) on Nakala (https://nakala.fr/10.34847/nkl.cb00f4k3) in particular image ACQ02_llanogrande_img001_GA.JPG to ACQ02_llanogrande_img011_GA.JPG

[26] ACQ05_ANH_012_GA.

[27] ACQ05_ANH_015_GA.

[28] ACQ05_ANH_021_GA.

[29] See images ACQ05_AMHQ_058_GA to ACQ05_AMHQ_059_GA.

[30] See ACQ05_ANH_005_GA on Nakala.

[31] See images ACQ05_ANH_007_GA and ACQ05_ANH_008_GA on Nakala.

[32] See ACQ05_AMHQ_123_GA on Nakala.

[33] See ACQ05_ANH_018_GA to ACQ05_ANH_019_GA on Nakala.

[34] See image ACQ05_AMHQ_102_GA to image ACQ05_AMHQ_103_GA.

[35] See image ACQ05_AMHQ_120_GA ACQ05_AMHQ_121_GA.

[36] Pascual Muzo (former municipal cleaning worker), conversation held with the author, March 2021; Gavidia, conversation held with the author.

[37] Muzo, conversation held with the author; Francisco Suquillo (former municipal cleaning worker), conversation held with the author, March 2021.

[38] Suquillo, conversation held with the author.

[39] Muzo, conversation held with the author; Suquillo, conversation held with the author.

[40] Suquillo, conversation held with the author.

[41] See image ACQ05_AMHQ_072_GA.

[42] Muzo, conversation held with the author.

[43]See image ACQ05_ANH_009_GA.

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